"The New Canaan, the Old Canon, and the New World in American Literature Anthologies" by Raymond F. Dolle in "College Literature" 17.2/3 (June/October 1990, pp. 196-208) In the chapter on "The Literature of Discovery and Exploration" in the controversial "Columbia Literary History of the United States" (1988), Wayne Franklin describes the multicultural body of early American literature that he has analyzed elsewhere, most notably in "Discoverers, Explorers, Settlers: The Diligent Writers of Early America" (1979). "The first classics of American literature were written for, if not always in, Europe," says Franklin. "And most were written not in English but in Spanish and French" ("Columbia" 16). This pluralistic definition is one of the central issues in the current movement to expand the early American canon, led by such critics and scholars as Wayne Franklin, William Spengemann, David Beers Quinn, and Samuel Eliot Morison. Important recent discussions of American literary history, the canon, and the politics of inclusion/exclusion have also been written by Michael Colacurcio, R.C. De Prospo, Philip Gura, Carl Kropt, and Annette Kolodny. For example, Kolodny has "recently manage[d] to break into "American Literature" with a rude suggestion that the consensualist and reconciliationist political forces behind both 'new' literary histories of the U.S. will inherently 'check and harness' all genuinely 'new scholarship [that] asserts as its central critical category not commonality but difference'" (De Prospo 252). Unfortunately, most anthologies do not keep up with literary theories. Despite the recognition of the ethnic, geographic, formalistic, stylistic, and thematic diversity of America's earliest literature, the major anthologies--with a couple of exceptions--continue to reinforce the traditional British- American, especially New England Puritan, bias. The history and causes of this canonical domination range from nineteenth-century nationalistic myth-making, to current political interests, to the economics of modern textbook publishing. No doubt, as Philip Anderson suggests, reprinting the same works in edition after edition is "much cheaper than typesetting (and editing/censoring/modernizing/teacherizing)" (6), not to mention translating, new works; however, the canon is much more political and cultural than commercial. The notion that early American literature is significant mainly as the seedbed for the later flowering of a native literary tradition has for too long limited scholarly interest to those few texts that can be attached to "The Scarlet Letter" or some other nineteenth-century masterpiece. During the anxious move for literary independence following the Revolution and the War of 1812, as part of the nationalistic movement to affirm a dominant cultural and political identity of the United States, the influential writers and critics (for example Walter Channing and James Kirke Paulding in such periodicals as the "North American Review") looked mainly to New England for the mythic past, history-rich landscapes, native subjects, and spiritual roots needed to sustain an authentic national tradition. This desire to create an indigenous literature and a historical context independent of Britain, mainly in the interests of the literati in power at the time, encouraged what Spengemann refers to as "Whig historicism" ("Discovering the Literature" 6). At the same time, cultivated standards to the lowest common tastes and thereby produce a mediocre literary tradition, so the writers most approved were those who adapted prevailing neoclassical forms to American subjects (such as the Connecticut Wits) and who provided moral and public leadership in the new nation's interests (such as Royall Tyler in "The Contrast" [1787]). This political scenario of canon formation agrees with Arnold Krupat's summary of the concept of a canon. According to Krupat and many of the sources upon which he bases his criticism, the canon is the name for that body of texts which best performs in the sphere of culture the work of legitimating the prevailing social order.... To understand their content is largely to accept the world view of the socially dominant class.... Sympathetic contact with these texts tends mostly--although not always or exclusively--to contribute to that ideological conditioning, the production of that consciousness, necessary to conform one willingly to one's--usually subordinate--class position in society. (22-23) Although Krupat's main concern is Native American literature, his conclusions are also directly relevant to the exclusion of the literature of the European discovery of America and other non- Puritan texts, such as the large body of verse by eighteenth- century American women. The Puritans, on the other hand, offer the sense of mission, election, and tradition that coincides with the ideology of the "male, eastern WASPS" (Krupat 30) who mainly hold the positions of power in our society. As in the early nineteenth century, the canon today is still useful in maintaining the social order and in privileging the cultural heritage of the elite, as was often pointed out in the numerous debates touched off by E.D. Hirsch's infamous "Cultural Literacy" (1987). Similarly, upon the academic separation of American from British literature early in this century, the study of colonial literature emerged to support the project of establishing a national literary heritage by giving it a historical origin and a distinctively "American" genesis. An extreme example of this approach is Fred Lewis Pattee's "The First Century of American Literature: 1770-1870" (1935), in which he dismisses anything written before 1770 as "nonliterary and crude" and "English" (12). A recent example of this political orientation, written in what Kropt regards as "a burst of bicentennial patriotism" (18), is J. Meredith Neil's "Toward a National Taste: America's Quest for Aesthetic Independence" (1975). The best known and most cogently argued of such studies is Sacvan Bercovitch's "The Puritan Origins of the American Self" (1975). Bercovitch's work also represents the hegemony of the late Perry Miller and his followers in early American studies. Miller, a Powell M. Cabot Professor of American Literature at Harvard University, wrote the classic interpretation of Puritanism, "The New England Mind: The Seventeenth Century" (1939), and coedited the standard collection of writings by New England Puritans, "The Puritans" (1938). These authoritative books, along with Miller's other scholarship and teaching, for 40 years influenced students of early America and empowered the major scholars who dictated the history-of-ideas approach for dealing with American materials. Illustrating Krupat's argument within the power structure of academic circles, the Millerites' dominance of the field reinforced the old canon, which in turn naturally supported their power and the authority of their methodology. Thus, traditionally assumed to lack intrinsic aesthetic value as belles lettres, early American literature is still not only marginalized as the first expression of what would later be articulated better and more fully, but also restricted to those writings that trace the first stages in the evolution of the forms and subjects of an ethnocentric Anglo-American literary tradition. Indeed, as De Prospo points out in his "inaugural, kamikaze" Round Table on this issue in "Early American Literature" (251), the two most conservative anthologies, the Macmillan and the McGraw-Hill (formerly the Random House), are both openly apologetic (for instance, for Anne Bradstreet's "small but genuine lyric gifts") and deceptively enthusiastic (for instance, about "seventeenth-century thrillers" like Mary Rowlandson's captivity narrative). They flaunt their nationalistic approach in slogan ("The Tradition Continues") and title ("The American Tradition in Literature"), respectively. As a result of the continued overemphasis on the Puritan tradition, too many English majors stay away from the early American survey course in order to avoid struggling through an area that seems as barren as the rocky coast at Plymouth and to escape suffering like sinners in the hands of an angry prof. To respond to these issues and problems, anthologies need to change. Thanks to the pioneering work of scholars like Franklin, enough of the most important and interesting New World texts have now been identified to dispel fears that trying to represent this mass of material would result in the "eclectic antiquarianism and bewildering bulkiness" (v) that Richard Poirier sought to avoid in the 1970 Little, Brown "American Literature." While the canonical Puritan writers certainly remain essential to the stability and credibility of the field, multicultural discovery and exploration accounts especially should also be represented in anthologies and survey courses of early American literature. In 1989-90 at least three new editions of two-volume American literature anthologies were printed by major publishers: Macmillan (Fourth Edition), Norton (Third Edition), and McGraw- Hill (Seventh Edition). Although the fliers for and jackets of these editions claim that they contain many "new" authors, a close look prepares the reader for the disappointing tables of contents. For example, the flier for the McGraw-Hill collection edited by George Perkins announces the addition of Jean [sic] Smith, Michael Wigglesworth, William Bartram, and Meriwether Lewis. Perkins has only slightly advanced beyond the 1985 Norton, which added John Smith, Thomas Morton, Roger Williams, Wigglesworth, and Samuel Sewall. The 1989 Norton adds Robert Beverly, the letters of John and Abigail Adams, Olaudah Equiano, and Tyler. George McMichael's anthology for Macmillan adds only Hannah Webster Foster. Clearly students who study Colonial America from these anthologies are reading important British- American writers, Puritan and otherwise, but on the whole their experiences with early American literature remain essentially the same as those of readers of major anthologies almost 20 years ago. Many of the additions in these new editions were included matter-of-factly in anthologies from the 1970s, such as those from Houghton Mifflin (1970), Little, Brown (1970), McGraw-Hill (1971), St. Martin's (1973), and John Wiley (1978). For example, Larzer Ziff's anthology for McGraw-Hill offers Smith, Morton, Wigglesworth, and "The Sotweed Factor." These selections may even be an early attempt at canon busting, since Ziff, a Berkeley professor in 1970, is the only editor radical enough to leave out Williams and Cotton Mather. Moreover, something from Smith's "Generall Historie of Virginia" (1624), usually the Indian captivity and Pocahontas episodes from Book III, is in all these '70s anthologies except St. Martin's. In fact, the texts by Smith were even included by Norman Foerster in the 1957 edition of "American Poetry and Prose," but Smith was conspicuously absent from Perkins's anthology when it was issued by Random House (1985). Similarly, Morton and/or Sewall appear in over half of the previous generation of textbooks, represented by the infamous revels and raid on Merry Mount and by the familiar courtship and courtroom scenes in "The Diary" (1674-1729). Wigglesworth, too, is hardly new to anthologies, "The Day of Doom" (1662) having sounded in the '70s volumes from Little, Brown, McGraw-Hill, and St. Martin's. In addition, of course, present in every anthology is the core of the canon. However, while several predictable titles are reprinted in most of these collections, few are in all the books. Representing the seventeenth century, for example, the universal selection from William Bradford's "Of Plymouth Plantation" is Chapter IX, on the Pilgrims' voyage and arrival at "a hideous and desolute wilderness." This quintessential text, along with such Americana as "The Mayflower Compact," apparently must be there. Surprisingly, Bradstreet and Edward Taylor have placed only one poem apiece unfailingly in their selections in every one of the anthologies: the devoted homemaker's matrimonial "To My Dear and Loving Husband," and the devout minister's metaphysical "Huswifery." No other early work is always included until Jonathan Edwards's "Personal Narrative" (1765). All this tradition and innovation fails to address the multicultural interests and political needs of today's students. The anthologies remain based on the definition of American literature stated most succinctly by David Levin in the introduction to his 1978 anthology: By American literature we mean literature written in English by people who came to settle in the territory that eventually became the United States of America. We exclude English Canadian literature; the "Relations" written in French by Jesuit missionaries, even those written among the Iroquois on what became United States soil; and the writings of early Spanish missionaries. (3) For the most part, Walt Whitman's warning still goes unheeded: "Thus far, impress'd by New England writers and schoolmasters, we tacitly abandon ourselves to the notion that our United States have been fashioned from the British Islands only--which is a very great mistake" (6:116-17). To compensate for this bias, in past upper-division survey courses I supplemented the anthology with a packet from a local printshop. These photocopies were of accounts by famous explorers whom the students would recognize, along with little- known but fascinating narratives, such as David Ingram's tall tale of the golden cities and monstrous beasts that he claimed to have seen as he walked from Mexico to Nova Scotia in 1569. In my early American literature course at Indiana State University, I include the section of Louis Hennepin's "Description of Louisiana" (1683) that narrates Robert Cavelier de la Salle's travels along the St. Joseph and Kankakee rivers in northwest Indiana in 1679. Since it is the earliest record of events in the area, it particularly appeals to the students' sense of Hoosier heritage. As I argue in an article in "Indiana English," the richness of Hennepin's story makes it a good illustration of the cultural and geographical variety in early American writings, and it is representative of characteristic motifs and themes in seventeenth-century travelogues and promotional tracts. In response to calls to examine such materials, an anthology was published in 1987 that was substantially different from the other: "The Harper American Literature." Included in its table of contents are some surprises, such as Christopher Columbus's journals, Giovanni da Verrazzano's letter to the king of France, Samuel de Champlain's "Voyages" (1632), and Powhatan's speech to Smith. As the General Editor, Donald McQuade, says in the preface, What distinguishes "The Harper American Literature" from its predecessors is its commitment to presenting fully the richness of American literature, its thematic and stylistic range as well as its geographical and ethnic diversity.... To supplant the narrow, northeastern, Puritan bias of currently available texts, we begin with a wealth of presettlement writing. "The Literature of the New World, 1492-1620" [edited by Robert Atwan] maps out new approaches to the important cultural forces that helped shape American life. (xxv) Unfortunately, "The Harper," like the "Columbia LHUS," for all its variety in genre and ethnicity, still marginalizes and politicizes early American writings through its insistence on their place at the start of an "American" literary tradition. Flagrant examples of this nationalistic attitude occur throughout Atwan's introduction: The classical periplus [Gr. "sailing around," or navigational record] served as an important model of composition for the early explorers of the New World and subsequently left its mark on the great nineteenth- century voyage literature of Cooper, Poe, Thoreau, Twain, and Melville.... The attitude behind the periplus--that one's experiences be grounded in personal observation and oriented to a specific location--would become a conspicuous feature of American writing.... Verrazzano's narrative prefigures one of the dominant themes of American literature and philosophy-- the experimental challenge to an authoritative theoretical framework.... Another feature of Verrazzano's narrative that would occupy a preeminent place in subsequent American literature is his emphasis on the idyllic landscape of the New World.... Survival in the wilderness--the central action of so many exploration narratives--would become a recurring theme of both popular and classic American literature. (4-7) Many similar examples could be enumerated, but these few should suffice to show the problem. De Prospo has recently spelled out the insidious consequences of this modernist, retrospective "foundational ethnocentrism" (248,249): marginalization and condescension. His main concern is the effects on the integrity of American literature, not the political/ideological implications. De Prospo would have critics of Colonial literature deconstruct American exceptionalism by becoming "vanguard semioticians" who uncover the signs of an "other" early American literature that is different from and equal to modern American literature. De Prospo's criticism is a theoretically advanced version of Spengemann's argument for studying early American literature on its own terms, in relation to its own world, rather than to ours or that of the nineteenth century. Conscious of this goal, the editors of the newest American literature anthology, "The Heath Anthology of American Literature" (1990), have succeeded in producing a revisionary textbook that is genuinely different from its predecessors, both in the range of writers and the richness of the selections, but more importantly in the principles of inclusion. As Paul Lauter, the General Editor, explains in his preface, the rich selections are intended to give students "a sense of the formal and historical cross-currents which helped shape individual works within a given period" (xxxiv). In his manifesto, Lauter announces, We believe that reading the range of writers offers opportunities for drawing stimulating comparisons and contrasts between canonical and non-canonical figures.... It allows us to study the diverse and changing cultures of America, not only a narrow group of authors. It is not that heretofore non-canonical texts provide, so to speak, the landscape of "minor" writing from which the great monuments of American literature arise. Rather, studying and comparing these differing works will enlarge our understanding of--even help us fundamentally redefine--the literature that has in fact been produced in the United States. This comparative process may thus play a key role in changing the traditional foci and contexts for the study of American literature and bring into the classroom the energy and excitement generated by the new scholarship on women and minorities. We have sought to use such mutually illuminating texts throughout. Thus we print fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Spanish and French, as well as English, narratives of discovery and exploration. Additionally, we have included some Native American responses to the arrival and the advances of the Europeans. (xxxiv-xxxv) We are asked to read these documents first as representing cultural forces that helped shape early America rather than Americanism. The Spanish, French, Dutch, and other European literatures of discovery and exploration, along with the Native American oral traditions and legends, greatly influenced English expectations and attitudes toward the New World, as reflected in the works of such promoters as Richard Hakluyt. Having made the transoceanic journey and proven themselves to be heroes, the New World travelers were an extraordinary group, proud of their distinction, and many of them no doubt assumed "American" voices. Often avowing the indescribable nature of the wonders they had witnesses, their written responses to the New World adapted Old World language and schema to evoke and interpret the unfamiliar scenes, and thus they heralded a new literary tradition; but it was theirs, not yet ours. Evoked through biblical analogies, mythological allusions, and classical tropes, the images of America recorded and created in these texts began to establish a national identity in the popular imagination of the cultures, British and others, that immigrated to an evolved into the United States. They initiated "the invention of America" (O'Gorman, Page, Sauer, Todorov), but the future America they looked ahead to across the sea is not the early America we look back to across five centuries. As Lauter reminds us, our approach to literature must be "guided by how a text engages concerns central to the period in which it was written as well as to the overall development of American culture" (xxxv). On the other hand, we cannot ignore how the literature of discovery and exploration foreshadows many recurring concepts, themes, myths, motifs, values, and patterns of experience that came to be considered characteristically American. Although the relevance of such essential national characteristics has been challenged, most provocatively by Spengemann and De Prospo, even De Prospo admits "the undeniable and irrevocable interdependency of the early and the late in American literary studies" (255). Consequently, readers continue to identify continuities: the location of the new Eden and the cultivation of the wilderness; the inadequacy of language to describe the sublime grandeur of the landscape; the exploitation of natural riches and golden opportunities; the identifications of white men as gods or God's chosen people and of red men as devils or Satan's thralls; the affirmation or regeneration of spiritual strength through privation and violence; the possibility for common men to earn wealth and new social status through courage, skill, and hard work; the evolution of the self-reliant hero at home in the forest and on the frontier; the rebellion against authority and the enjoyment of freedom. Given these characteristics, it is no wonder that the literature of the New World remained popular and influential during the quest for literary independence by nineteenth-century American writers, as demonstrated by such works as Washington Irving's "A History of the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus" (1828). The place of these writings in American literary history is well established by many major American figures, such as Henry David Thoreau, who in "A Yankee in Canada" (1866) writes, "I am not sure but I have most sympathy with that spirit of adventure which distinguished the French and the Spaniards of those days, and made them especially the explorers of the American Continent" (5:67). Arguing along these lines in his introduction, Atwan concludes that exploration writing evolved into an American literary tradition, as writers conducted their various errands into the wilderness to discover America: The sheer wonder of discovery, in fact, may be the Age of Exploration's most durable legacy to American literature. Steeped in the writings of the great discoverers and explorers, the major American authors, from Washington Irving and James Fenimore Cooper to Hart Crane and William Carlos Williams, repeatedly beheld a world that was excitingly and inexhaustibly new. The inescapable fact of that newness may be what is most essentially American about American literature. (9-10) But again, Atwan's emphasis on a "legacy" of "what is most essentially American" reduces the unique value of this literature. Even beyond their considerable influence on later authors, these writings are intrinsically worthwhile reading as the most effective expressions of human experience in North America at their time. Although often hit-or-miss and utilitarian, explorers' accounts of the New World are not only historical records and official logs, but also literary texts and dramatic narratives that use rhetorical and anecdotal techniques for personal and promotional purposes. To promote their discoveries and celebrate their glory, the explorers' stories stress the uniqueness and nobleness of their experiences, sometimes becoming fictive by exaggeration, invention, omission, and transposition. Certainly, the early accounts are not belles lettres, art for art's sake, or full-fledged fiction, but their style, vividness, and value should not be underestimated. Again to quote Thoreau, whose praise testifies to the importance and pleasure of these texts, they spoke with a relish, smacking their lips like a coach-whip, caring more to speak heartily than scientifically true. They are not to be caught napping by the wonders of Nature in a new country.... They use a strong, coarse, homely speech which cannot always be found in the dictionary, nor sometimes be heard in polite society, but which brings you very near to the thing itself described.... Certainly that generation stood nearer to nature, nearer to the facts, than this, and hence their books have more life in them. (7:108-09) For centuries these stirring accounts of daring empire- builders appealed to readers, but, as Philip Edwards explains in "Last Voyages" (1988), when "the New Criticism came to dominate literary study, these writings almost completely disappeared from sight" (1). Now, however, with the change in approaches demanded by contemporary criticism, scholars have rediscovered this literature. New Historicist and poststructuralist studies seek patterns of colonialist discourse and intertextuality between the records of historical voyages and such imaginative works of the period as "The Tempest" (Skura). In addition, with the approach of the Quincentennial, the narratives and reports from the Age of Discovery are attracting increasing attention even from general readers and undergraduates. Perhaps most importantly, these narratives are still worth reading for the self-knowledge the seafarers brought back with them from their journeys, in the manner of Coleridge's Ancient Mariner. As stories of strange adventures and heroic endeavors set in unfamiliar scenes and hostile landscapes, these writings magnify elemental human needs and emotions by showing life grown somehow larger, simpler, and more intense in a wild living theater. As in stage dramas and fictions that exaggerate and distort in order to illuminate and clarify, the struggles, sufferings, vicissitudes, failures, and triumphs of these characters have the power to irradiate our own experienced and dilemmas. Both "The Harper American Literature" and "The Heath Anthology of American Literature" include many memorable selections from the earliest New World accounts. Students respond to a few especially. In the "Harper" there is Columbus's letter to the sovereigns of Spain on his 1503 voyage, in which he describes himself at a time of crisis, physically ill and profoundly disillusioned, alone and hopeless; he climbs to the crow's nest, cries out for help, swoons, and hears a voice reassuring him that he has been chosen by God to fulfill prophecy and perform mighty deeds. There is Verrazzano's gracefully composed description of the pastoral landscape along the Northeastern seaboard in 1524, which he refers to as Arcadia, but which becomes increasingly like the "hideous and desolate wilderness, full of wild beasts and wild men" that would greet Bradford a hundred years later. With an eye for detail, Verrazzano reports barbarous tribes in Maine, devoid of humanity, who "made all the signs of scorn and shame that any brute creature would make," such as showing their buttocks and laughing (an episode that amuses students as an early instance of the great American tradition of "mooning"--but notice again the tendency toward a modernist retrospective response). There is Cabeza de Vaca's captivity narrative of his eight-year trek (1528-36) along the Gulf Coast of Texas, when he loses his European identity and is reborn an elemental, godly New World man. There is Pedro de Casteneda's memoir of Coronado's search for Cibola in 1540-42, led at first by a Moor, Estevan, a slave who had wandered across Texas with his Spanish master and Cabeza de Vaca, and who is killed by Zuni Indians when he tries to assume the role of messenger from the white gods. There is Champlain's account of joining a Huron raid against the Iroquois near present-day Fort Ticonderoga in 1609, a confrontation in which the musket enters Indian warfare with deadly effect. There is Powhatan's 1609 speech to Smith, exhorting the colonists in Virginia to send away their swords and guns, "the cause of all our jealousy and uneasiness." Writings by Columbus, Cabeza de Vaca, Casteneda, and Champlain also appear in the "Heath," joined by several other remarkable New World texts. For example, there is the "History of the Miraculous Apparition of the Virgin of Guadalupe in 1531," an oral narrative of the appearance of the "Dark Virgin" on Mount Tepeyac, the ancient place of worship of Tonantzin, the Aztec Earth Mother goddess; the account symbolizes the new race and nation that emerged from the intermarriage of Spanish colonists and Native Americans. There is Gaspar de Perez Villagra's Renaissance epic poem, modeled on Vergil's "Aeneid," describing Onate's conquest of New Mexico (1598-1608) as the triumph of the True Faith of the Spanish crown and the Catholic cross in combat over noble and worthy pagan foes. There is a Hopi oral narrative of the coming of the Spanish that stands in stark contrast to Villagra's glorious vision. Editors of the American literature anthologies that include these writers have put more life into our textbooks and provided teachers an opportunity to make students aware of the politics and ideologies implicit in a canon. Students must realize that a canonical text may be included not because of its eternal beauty and truth or because it represents the best that has been thought and said, but rather because it serves someone's political or ideological interests. Traditional texts must still be taught (after all, we have to teach somebody's anthologized canon), just as later American literature must be used in the study of early American literature; but it must be done self-consciously, deliberately, and overtly in order to increase students' awareness of the relationships between literature and politics, between discourse and power. "The Harper American Literature" and, especially, "The Heath Anthology of American Literature" have charted a course for future anthologies to follow. 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